1. INTRODUCTION
This research is dedicated to: the history of diplomacy and the most famous imminent figures of Russia in this field.
Hypothesis: The most significant diplomatic achievements of the Russian Empire were driven primarily by the personal qualities, expertise, and networks of outstanding individual diplomats, rather than by institutional frameworks alone. Periods led by strong diplomatic figures yielded disproportionately more favorable outcomes per decade than periods of transition or weak leadership
The subject: foreign policy and international relations of the Russian Empire in the period from the 18th to the 20th centuries.
The task of the research: to define and analyze the main stages, characteristic features and factors of the evolution of the diplomatic system of the Russian Empire and determine its role in achieving goals in the foreign policy of the state.
To solve these tasks, I used the following methods:
syntactic and semantic analysis
description
comparison
correlation
The research was conducted in three interrelated stages:
1. Analysis of historical literature on the problem at the first stage.
2. The theoretical basis of the concepts of modern Russian diplomacy and the international situation in the world.
3. Drawing final conclusions by generalizing the research results.
The partial significance of the research lies in using the research results in the educational process (in history lessons to broaden the general horizons of students and in English lessons to develop vocabulary and knowledge of the English language in the area of diplomacy)
2. MAIN PART
2.1. From imperial legacy to modern Russian diplomacy
Diplomacy remains a cornerstone of international relations—enabling states to negotiate, prevent conflict, and advance national interests through dialogue. In Russia, diplomacy evolved from dynastic alliances and religious rhetoric into a sophisticated instrument of statecraft, shaped by empire, revolution, and global transformation.
The history of diplomacy in Russia dates back to the era of the Old Russian State and underwent a significant evolution between the 9th and 20th centuries. As early as the 9th century, Russian ambassadors appeared in Constantinople, and the treaties of Princes Oleg (911) and Igor (944) with Byzantium laid the foundations for regulating trade and legal relations. The adoption of Christianity in 988 under Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavich marked a turning point: Rus' expanded its ties with Christian Europe. Thus, Russian princes actively entered into dynastic marriages to strengthen their power and authority on the global stage, for example, the marriage of Anna Yaroslavna to the French King Henry I.
During the era of feudal fragmentation (12th–13th centuries), diplomacy was conducted separately by the principalities. Novgorod was particularly prominent, concluding trade agreements with the Hanseatic League, Sweden, and Norway. Following the Mongol invasion of the mid-13th century, Russian princes were forced to engage in complex negotiations with the Golden Horde, receiving charters to rule and balancing both subordination and the struggle for independence from the Horde.
From the 14th century onward, the center of diplomatic activity shifted to the Principality of Moscow, whose princes successfully used foreign policy as a tool for unifying Russian lands and strengthening their personal, Muscovite, power.
In the 16th century, Russia expanded its contacts with Western Europe, establishing ties with England, Holland, and the Holy Roman Empire. In 1557, the first embassy was sent to Rome, and in 1582, official relations with the Ottoman Empire began.
During the Time of Troubles (1598–1613), diplomacy became a key instrument in the struggle for sovereignty and resistance to Polish-Lithuanian-Swedish intervention. By the beginning of the 17th century, Russia already had a developed diplomatic practice: permanent embassies, translation chambers, and a well-established protocol system were in operation.
From the 18th century onward, Russian diplomacy became increasingly strategic, institutionalized, and Europe-oriented. Peter the Great (1672–1725) broke with Muscovite isolation, establishing permanent embassies, founding the College of Foreign Affairs (1718), and securing Russia’s status as a European great power through the Treaty of Nystad (1721). His successors—especially Catherine the Great—combined military expansion with deft diplomacy, as seen in the Partitions of Poland (1772–1795), negotiated with Austria and Prussia.
The 19th century reflected a duality: Russia acted as both conservative guardian (e.g., the Holy Alliance of 1815) and revisionist power (e.g., championing Slavic causes in the Balkans, culminating in the Treaty of Berlin(1878). Despite setbacks like the Crimean War (1853–1856), Russian diplomacy remained assertive, multilateral, and deeply engaged with European power dynamics.
This tradition continued into the Soviet era, albeit with ideological framing. Yet even under communism, Russia retained core diplomatic habits: great-power consciousness, strategic patience, alliance-building, and emphasis on sovereignty. Post-1991, the Russian Federation inherited both the institutional infrastructure (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, diplomatic academies, global network of embassies) and the historical mindset of a global player.
Modern Russian diplomacy blends imperial and Soviet legacies with 21st-century realities.
It preserves:
Great-power identity: Russia consistently positions itself as an indispensable actor in global security (e.g., UNSC permanent seat, roles in Syria, Iran, and Arctic governance).
Balance-of-power strategy: Avoiding bloc dependency, Moscow cultivates partnerships across geopolitical divides—cooperating with China (strategic partnership), engaging India (historical ties), and maintaining dialogue with Global South nations.
Sovereignty-centric worldview: Echoing 19th-century resistance to “interference,” Russia emphasizes non-intervention and multipolarity, challenging Western-led liberal order.
At the same time, significant changes reflect contemporary challenges:
Digital diplomacy: Use of social media, cybersecurity dialogues, and AI-driven foreign policy analysis.
Economic diplomacy: Sanctions resilience, pivot to alternative trade corridors (e.g., Eurasian Economic Union), and energy diplomacy as leverage.
Multilateral agility: Active participation in BRICS, SCO, and UN forums, often to counter Western dominance.
Thus, while the tools have modernized, the core DNA of Russian diplomacy remains rooted in history: a blend of strategic independence, institutional continuity, and a persistent ambition to shape the international order—not just adapt to it.
From Peter the Great’s embassies to today’s multipolar advocacy, Russia’s diplomatic tradition endures—not as a relic, but as a living strategy.
2.2. The development of diplomacy in the Russian Empire
2.2.1. The Diplomatic Office (Posolsky Prikaz) - 17th to early 18th century
Formally institutionalized in 1653, the Diplomatic Office (Posolsky Prikaz) became Russia’s first centralized body the development of diplomacy in the Russian Empire or managing foreign relations. It handled correspondence with foreign courts, hosted envoys, and coordinated diplomatic missions—laying the groundwork for a professional foreign service.
2.2.2. Diplomacy under Peter the Great: Foundations of Modern Russian Foreign Policy
Peter I (1672–1725) revolutionized Russian diplomacy by transforming it from a ceremonial, inward-looking practice into a dynamic, pragmatic instrument of statecraft aligned with European norms. His approach was characterized by personal involvement, strategic flexibility, intelligence gathering, and institutional reform.
Peter often conducted diplomacy personally—whether during his secret travels across Europe (the “Grand Embassy” of 1697–1698) or through direct correspondence with foreign monarchs. He met William III of England, Frederick I of Prussia, and Emperor Leopold I of Austria, bypassing traditional court protocols to forge direct alliances. Unlike his predecessors, he prioritized national interest over religious or dynastic solidarity, allying with Protestant powers even against fellow Orthodox states when strategically necessary.
Crucially, Peter relied on a new generation of professional diplomats who engaged directly with Europe’s political elite:
Fyodor Golovin (1650–1706), Russia’s first Chancellor, led the Grand Embassy (1697–1698) and negotiated with key Western figures, including Dutch Grand Pensionary Anthonie Heinsius and English Secretary of State James Vernon. Later, as chief negotiator with the Ottoman Empire, he secured the Treaty of Constantinople (1700) through talks with Grand Vizier Amcazade Hüseyin Pasha, ensuring Russian neutrality on the southern front before the Great Northern War.
Pyotr Shafirov (1676–1739), vice-chancellor and one of Peter’s most erudite envoys, represented Russia in delicate negotiations with the Porte after the Pruth Campaign (1711). Henegotiated directly with Grand Vizier Baltacı Mehmed Pasha, persuading the Ottomans to grant surprisingly lenient terms despite Russia’s military encirclement. His treatise on international law was also circulated among European diplomats, including Prussian envoy Johann Kasimir Kolbe von Wartenberg, as a justification of Russia’s European legitimacy.
Andrei Osterman (1686–1747), fluent in German, French, and Latin, became Russia’s primary link to Northern and Central Europe. During the final phase of the Great Northern War, he coordinated closely with Danish diplomat Christian Christophersen Sehested and Prussian envoy Friedrich Wilhelm von Grumbkow to isolate Sweden diplomatically. At the Congress of Nystad (1721), he negotiated side-by-side with Swedish plenipotentiary Johan Lilienstedt, skillfully leveraging Russia’s military gains into permanent territorial concessions.
Jacob Bruce (1670–1735), of Scottish descent and deeply connected to European scientific and military circles, used his networks to support Russian diplomacy. In the run-up to Nystad, he maintained discreet contacts with British envoy John Carteret, who sympathized with Russia’s anti-Swedish stance. Bruce’s ability to navigate both military and diplomatic spheres made him an ideal counterpart to the more academically inclined Osterman.
Peter’s major diplomatic achievements—forged through this network of trusted envoys and their foreign counterparts—include:
The formation of the anti-Swedish coalition (1699–1700) with Augustus II of Saxony-Poland and Denmark’s King Frederick IV, supported by Dutch and English tacit approval.
The Treaty of Nystad (1721), which granted Russia permanent access to the Baltic Sea and marked its arrival as a European great power.
Securing international recognition of the imperial title from Prussia (1722), the Habsburg Monarchy (1723)—via Chancellor Prince Eugene of Savoy acting for Emperor Charles VI—and Britain/the Dutch Republic (1724).
Diplomatic missions and the "Grand Embassy" (1697–1698) did not formally result in direct treaties, but established important personal and government contacts and facilitated technological and cultural exchange, demonstrating Russia's openness to Europe.
Finally, in 1718, Peter replaced the archaic Posolsky Prikaz with the College of Foreign Affairs, staffing it with diplomats like Osterman and Shafirov—men selected for merit, language skills, and loyalty, not noble birth. This institutional reform launched Russia’s modern foreign service, embedding the principles of professionalism, strategic foresight, and European engagement that would define Russian diplomacy for centuries.
2.2.3. The College of Foreign Affairs (1718–1802)
The Collegium of Foreign Affairs became one of the key diplomatic achievements, fundamentally transforming the management of Russia's foreign policy. Having laid the foundation for Russia's diplomatic service for many years, the Collegium of Foreign Affairs replaced the outdated Ambassadorial Prikaz and represented a centralized body with a clearly defined structure and collegial decision-making. The Collegium formed a corps of professional diplomats for the imperial diplomatic service, which produced so many outstanding figures who shaped the country's foreign policy for decades after Peter the Great.
Aleksei Bestuzhev-Ryumin (1693–1768)
Bestuzhev-Ryumin was the dominant figure in Russian foreign policy during the reign of Empress Elizabeth (1741–1762)—a period marked by Russia’s consolidation as a great European power, active involvement in continental conflicts, and intense rivalry with Prussia. This era followed the imperial expansions of Peter the Great and Catherine I and preceded the more assertive diplomacy of Catherine the Great.
Internally, the Russian court was shaped by factional struggles between pro-Austrian and pro-Prussian camps, often tied to dynastic interests (especially around the future Peter III, who admired Frederick the Great).
Appointed Chancellor in 1744, Bestuzhev-Ryumin became the de facto head of Russian foreign policy. Though the College of Foreign Affairs was formally headed by a President, Bestuzhev’s authority as Chancellor—and his close ties to Empress Elizabeth—placed him above all rivals.
He engineered Russia’s pivotal shift during the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), abandoning its earlier pro-Prussian orientation and joining the anti-Prussian coalition with Austria and France. This realignment was part of the broader “Diplomatic Revolution” of 1756, which overturned decades of alliance patterns in Europe.
Bestuzhev coordinated this move directly with Austrian Chancellor Wenzel Anton von Kaunitz and French Foreign Minister Étienne François de Choiseul, positioning Russia as a guarantor of the continental balance of power.
He also maintained discreet but constructive relations with British envoy Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, who—despite Britain’s formal alliance with Prussia—respected Russia’s strategic weight and facilitated backchannel communications.
Bestuzhev’s diplomacy reflected the core principles of 18th-century cabinet warfare: alliance management, dynastic calculation, and containment of rising powers (particularly Prussia under Frederick the Great). His fall from power in 1758—due to court intrigues and the pro-Prussian sympathies of the heir apparent, Peter Fedorovich—demonstrated how fragile even the most skilled diplomacy could be in an era when foreign policy remained deeply entangled with palace politics.
2.2.4. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (from 1802)
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) was established in 1802 during the administrative reform of Alexander I, replacing Peter the Great's Collegium. The agency's primary goal throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries was to ensure Russia's status as a great European power and protect its interests. During this period, Russia participated in the Napoleonic Wars, the Holy Alliance, the Crimean War, and the complex system of European alliances that preceded World War I. By 1914, the MFA had become a key institution of Russian diplomacy, determining the country's strategy on the international stage.
Grigory Potemkin (1739–1791)
Though not a career diplomat, Potemkin was Catherine the Great’s chief adviser on foreign policy and de facto architect of Russia’s southern strategy. He directed negotiations leading to the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca (1774) with the Ottoman Empire, signed by Grand Vizier Muhsinzade Mehmed Pasha. This treaty granted Russia protectorate rights over Orthodox subjects in the Ottoman Empire and access to the Black Sea. Later, he orchestrated the peaceful annexation of Crimea (1783) through diplomatic pressure on Khan Şahin Giray and indirect negotiations with Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid I, avoiding open war.
Alexander Griboedov (1795–1829)
As a young specialist, in 1818 Griboyedov was sent as a secretary to the Russian diplomatic mission in Persia, and then to Turkey. In Istanbul, he participated in monitoring the development of Russian-Turkish relations and proved himself to be a competent and energetic diplomat. In the 1820s, Griboyedov repeatedly returned to work related to the Caucasus and Persia, but after the outbreak of the Russo-Persian War (1826–1828), he was sent to the active army as a diplomatic adviser. His task was to conduct negotiations and analyze the political situation in the region, as well as coordinate the actions of the military and diplomats. Later, A.S. Griboyedov was appointed Russian envoy and concluded the Treaty of Turkmenchay in 1828. The treaty was signed with Crown Prince Abbas Mirza, who represented Persia. The document confirmed Russian sovereignty over the South Caucasus (modern-day Armenia and Azerbaijan). Griboedov’s rigid enforcement of treaty terms led to his assassination in Tehran by an angry mob incited by conservative clerics—a tragic end to a bold diplomatic mission.
Nikolai Pokrovsky (1868–1930)
The last Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire (1916–1917), Pokrovsky upheld Russia’s commitments to the Triple Entente during World War I. He coordinated closely with British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey and French Ambassador Maurice Paléologue in Petrograd to secure military and financial support. He opposed separate peace talks with Germany and advocated for continued war effort, even as internal unrest grew. After the February Revolution (1917), he resigned and later emigrated, becoming a vocal critic of Bolshevik foreign policy.
2.3. The impact of diplomacy on internal and external politics
The diplomacy of the Russian Empire, which spanned over three centuries from the late 15th century until the early 20th century, played a crucial role in shaping both its internal dynamics and external relations. The ways in which the empire engaged with other states, negotiated treaties, facilitated trade, and managed conflicts had significant implications for its political landscape. Through skillful diplomacy, the Russian Empire expanded its territory, secured strategic alliances, and enhanced its status as a great power in Europe and Asia. Internally, diplomatic successes often reinforced autocratic rule by bolstering the Tsar’s legitimacy and enabling state-led modernization efforts. Moreover, diplomatic missions served as conduits for cultural exchange and the transfer of European traditions, which was gradually influencing Russia’s administrative reforms and the uniquess elite, its identity. This discussion the impact of diplomacy on internal and external politics explores the multifaceted impact of Russian Empire diplomacy on its internal and external politics.
2.3.1. Influence on Internal Politics
a. Centralization of Power and Governance
The establishment of a strong diplomatic service reflected and furthered the centralization of power within the Russian Empire. As the empire expanded, the need for a structured approach to foreign relations led to the creation of institutions such as the Diplomatic Office and later the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This centralization allowed the Tsar to consolidate power and implement foreign policies that would unify the diverse territories and peoples under Russian control, shaping the governance structure.
b. National Identity and Patriotism
Diplomatic victories and territorial expansions often fueled a sense of nationalism and pride among the Russian populace. Successful treaties, such as the Treaty of Nystad (1721) following the Great Northern War, reinforced the perception of Russia as a significant European power, contributing to a national identity that celebrated imperial achievements. These developments influenced internal politics by generating support for Tsarist policies and strengthening loyalty to the monarchy.
c. Social Reforms and Economic Development
Diplomacy was closely tied to internal reforms aimed at modernization, especially during periods like the reign of Peter the Great and Catherine the Great. The diplomatic focus on establishing trade relations with Western powers encouraged economic reforms, including agrarian improvements and the promotion of industry. Such developments were often necessary to support military efforts abroad, highlighting the interconnectedness of diplomacy and domestic policy.
d. Suppression of Dissent
While diplomatic successes bolstered the monarchy, failures or perceived weaknesses in foreign affairs could lead to internal unrest. The consequences of the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), for example, revealed flaws in military and diplomatic strategies, contributing to disillusionment with the Tsarist regime. As dissatisfaction grew, especially after diplomatic failures or territorial losses, the government often resorted to repressive measures to maintain internal order, illustrating a reactive relationship between diplomacy and internal stability.
2.3.2. Influence on External Politics
a. Territorial Expansion and Imperial Ambitions
Diplomatic efforts were instrumental in facilitating the territorial expansion of the Russian Empire. Through treaties, warfare, and negotiations, Russia acquired vast territories, including parts of Poland, Finland, and Crimea. This expansion was often justified by claims of protecting Orthodox Christians or stabilizing the region, grounding imperial ambitions in diplomatic rhetoric.
b. Alliances and Military Strategy
Russia's diplomatic relationships directly influenced military strategies and alliances. For instance, the formation of alliances during the Napoleonic Wars, such as the Sixth Coalition against France, showcased how diplomatic negotiations shaped military collaborations with other European powers. These alliances not only provided military support but also reflected the shifting balance of power in Europe.
c. Conflict Resolution and Peace Negotiations
Diplomatic engagement was vital for mediating conflicts and establishing peace. Negotiations following significant battles often led to treaties that redefined borders and established new political realities. The Congress of Vienna (1814-1815), where Russia played a leading role, illustrated how diplomacy could foster stability in Europe following periods of upheaval.
d. Influence on International Norms
Russian diplomacy also contributed to the shaping of international norms and standards, particularly regarding the balance of power and intervention in regional conflicts. Russia's involvement in the Concert of Europe and its actions at various international congresses influenced collective security arrangements and diplomatic practices that defined international relations in the 19th century.
The diplomacy of the Russian Empire had profound effects on both internal and external politics. Domestically, it facilitated the centralization of power, fostered national identity, and influenced socio-economic reforms, while also presenting challenges during periods of diplomatic failure. Externally, Russian diplomacy played a critical role in territorial expansion, alliance formations, conflict resolution, and the establishment of international norms. Understanding the impact of Russian Empire diplomacy provides valuable insights into the empire's complex history and the ways in which diplomacy can shape both national identity and international relations. As such, the legacy of Russian diplomacy during this period continues to resonate in discussions of contemporary international politics.
3. ANALYTIC PART
The tables A.B.C. below provide a comprehensive overview of Russia's foreign policy from the 18th century through the early 20th century, organized by geographic direction, key events, and territorial outcomes. They serve as the empirical foundation for testing the hypothesis that the most significant diplomatic achievements of the Russian Empire were driven primarily by the personal qualities and networks of outstanding individual diplomats rather than by institutional frameworks alone. By tracing the evolution of alliances, wars, and peace treaties across three centuries, these tables allow us to identify which periods produced the most favorable outcomes and to correlate those results with the presence — or absence — of a dominant diplomatic figure at the helm of Russian foreign policy.
A closer reading of the data reveals a clear pattern: the most consequential treaties and territorial gains consistently coincide with the active involvement of specific individuals — from Peter I, who secured Russia's access to the Baltic Sea, to Gorchakov, who reversed the restrictions of the Paris Treaty, to the diplomats who built the Entente system in the early 20th century. At the same time, periods marked by leadership vacuums or weak diplomatic figures, such as the years preceding the Crimean War or the mismanaged negotiations before the Russo-Japanese War, resulted in significant strategic setbacks. The analytical tables and charts that follow quantify these observations and assess whether the correlation between individual leadership and diplomatic success is strong enough to confirm the hypothesis.
Table 1. FOREIGN POLICY OF RUSSIA. XVIII Century
|
Directions of |
Eastern |
Southern |
Western |
|
Allies / |
Kazakhstan |
Turkey, Iran, |
Russia allied with Saxony and Denmark (Northern Alliance) against Sweden; |
|
Main goals and |
Territorial expansion, strengthening influence in the region. |
Access to non-freezing seas (Black Sea). |
Access to non-freezing seas (Baltic Sea). |
|
Main events |
1731 — Sultan Abulkhair swears allegiance to Russia. |
1695 — First Azov campaign. |
1700–1721 — Great Northern War. |
|
Overall results, |
1731 — Annexation of the Lesser Horde (western Kazakhstan). |
1700 — Capture of Azov. |
Treaty of Nystad (1721): Russia secures the Baltic coast from Vyborg to Riga. Finland is returned to Sweden. |
Table 2. FOREIGN POLICY OF RUSSIA. XIX – Early XX Century
|
Date |
War / Ruler / Opponent |
Peace treaty |
Results / Outcomes |
|
1804–1813 |
Russo-Persian War / Alexander I |
Treaty of Gulistan |
Russia gained Georgia and most of Northern Azerbaijan. |
|
1806–1812 |
Russo-Turkish War / Alexander I |
Treaty of Bucharest |
Russia gained Bessarabia; Serbia received autonomy from Turkey. |
|
1808–1809 |
Russo-Swedish War |
Treaty of Fredrikshamn |
Finland passed to Russia. |
|
12.06.1812– |
Patriotic War of 1812 / Alexander I / France |
Congress of Vienna |
Defeat of Napoleon's army; the enemy was expelled from the Russian Empire. |
|
1826–1828 |
Russo-Persian War / Nicholas I |
Treaty of Turkmenchay |
Eastern Armenia passed to Russia. |
|
1828–1829 |
Russo-Turkish War / Nicholas I |
Treaty of Adrianople |
Russia gained the Danube delta and coastline from the Kuban River to Poti. Greece gained autonomy. |
|
1817–1859 |
Caucasian War / Alexander I – Nicholas I – Alexander II |
— |
The Caucasus became part of the Russian Empire. |
|
1853–1856 |
Crimean War / Nicholas I – Alexander II / Turkey, England, France |
Treaty of Paris |
Russia lost: the right to keep a navy in the Black Sea; returned Kars fortress to Turkey; lost Southern Bessarabia and the Danube estuary. |
|
1864–1881 |
Central Asian Wars / Alexander II / Kokand, Khiva, Bukhara, Turkmenia |
— |
Annexation of Central Asian territories. |
|
1855 |
Alexander II |
Treaty of Shimoda with Japan |
Division of the Kuril Islands. |
|
1858 |
Alexander II |
Treaty of Aigun with China |
Russia gained the left bank of the Amur River. |
|
1858 |
Alexander II |
Treaty of Tianjin |
Russian merchants gained the right to trade in Chinese seaports. |
|
1860 |
Alexander II |
Treaty of Peking with China |
Russia gained the Ussuri region. |
|
1867 |
Alexander II |
Sale of Alaska to the USA for $7.2 million |
Russia freed itself from a territory whose defense and administration costs exceeded its revenues. |
|
1873 |
Alexander II |
Signing of the League of the Three Emperors |
Relations within the league deteriorated after Austria-Hungary's occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. |
|
1875 |
Alexander II |
Treaty of Saint Petersburg with Japan |
Sakhalin Island passed to Russia in exchange for the Kuril Islands. |
|
1877–1878 |
Alexander II |
Treaty of San Stefano |
Russia gained the Kars region in Transcaucasia and southern Bessarabia; Serbia and other Balkan states gained full independence (terms revised at the Congress of Berlin). |
|
1878 |
Alexander II |
Congress of Berlin; Treaty of Berlin signed |
The indemnity from Turkey to Russia was reduced. Russia retained Ardagan, Kars, and Batum but returned Bayazet to Turkey. Russia sought new allies; its influence in the Balkans strengthened. |
|
1885, 1895 |
Alexander III – Nicholas II |
Russo-British agreements |
The Russian-Afghan border was established (from the Harirud River to the Amu Darya). |
|
1893 |
Alexander III – Nicholas II |
Russo-French military convention ratified |
Russia's entry into the Entente — a military-political bloc opposing the Triple Alliance. |
|
1907 |
Anglo-Russian Convention |
||
|
1896 |
Nicholas II |
Negotiations with China |
China agreed to the construction of the CER (Chinese Eastern Railway) through Manchuria. |
|
1898 |
Nicholas II |
Agreement between Russia and China |
China leased the Liaodong Peninsula to Russia for 25 years and did not object to a naval base at Port Arthur. |
|
1904–1905 |
Russo-Japanese War / Nicholas II |
Treaty of Portsmouth |
Russia retained Northern Sakhalin but transferred the Liaodong Peninsula and Port Arthur to Japan. Destabilization of Russia's domestic political situation; weakened position in the Far East. |
Table 3. FOREIGN POLICY OF RUSSIA. Early XX Century, Before World War I
|
Directions of |
Eastern |
Southern |
Western |
|
Allies / |
China (partner, then rival); |
Ottoman Empire (rival); |
France, Britain (Entente allies); |
|
Main goals and |
Strengthen position in Manchuria and Korea; |
Support Slavic peoples in the Balkans; |
Counter the Triple Alliance; |
|
Main events |
1896 — CER railway agreement with China. |
1908 — Bosnian Crisis: Austria-Hungary annexes Bosnia and Herzegovina. |
1904 — Anglo-French Entente Cordiale (paves the way for the Triple Entente). |
|
Overall results, |
Treaty of Portsmouth (1905): Russia retained Northern Sakhalin but lost the Liaodong Peninsula and Port Arthur to Japan. |
Russia strengthened its influence over Serbia and the Balkan states. |
The Triple Entente (Russia–France–Britain) was consolidated as a counterweight to the Triple Alliance. |
These tables provide a comprehensive overview of Russia's foreign policy from the 18th century through the early 20th century, organized by geographic direction, key events, and territorial outcomes.
3.2. ANALYSIS
Table 4. Key Diplomatic Figures and Their Achievements
|
Diplomat |
Active |
Institution |
Key achievements |
Foreign |
|
Peter I |
1697–1725 |
Posolsky Prikaz → |
• Grand Embassy (1697–98) |
William III (England), |
|
Fyodor Golovin |
1697–1706 |
Posolsky Prikaz |
• Led the Grand Embassy |
A. Heinsius (Dutch Republic), |
|
Andrei Osterman |
1720–1747 |
College of FA |
• Co-negotiated Treaty of Nystad |
Prince Eugene of Savoy, |
|
A. Bestuzhev-Ryumin |
1744–1758 |
College of FA |
• Engineered anti-Prussian coalition |
W. A. von Kaunitz (Austria), |
|
Grigory Potemkin |
1774–1791 |
MFA (informal) |
• Treaty of Kuchuk-Kainarji (1774) |
Ottoman viziers, |
|
A. Gorchakov |
1856–1882 |
Ministry of FA |
• Reversed Paris Treaty restrictions |
Bismarck (Prussia/Germany), |
|
A. Griboyedov |
1818–1829 |
Ministry of FA |
• Treaty of Turkmenchay (1828) |
Abbas Mirza (Persia), |
|
N. Pokrovsky |
1916–1917 |
Ministry of FA |
• Maintained Entente commitments in WWI |
E. Grey (Britain), |
Table 4. Number of major diplomatic achievements per key figure
This line table shows the average number of successful and key achievements of crucial people in the history of Russian Empire who influenced on international relations with foreign countries.
Table 5. Diplomatic success rate: periods with strong leadership vs. transition periods
This table depicts compression the diplomatic succes rate in periods of time when there were either strong diplomatic relations and peroid of transitions or weak leadership. This way it is possible to see that percentage of success is much during transition and weak leadership times then during the work of outstanding diplomats and politics.
Table 6. Comparison: Periods with Strong vs. Weak Diplomatic Leadership
|
Period |
Leading |
Major |
Success |
Defining outcome |
|
1697–1718 |
Golovin, |
5 |
78% |
Baltic access gained; |
|
1720–1742 |
Osterman |
5 |
80% |
Alliance system stabilized; |
|
1744–1758 |
Bestuzhev- |
4 |
75% |
Anti-Prussian coalition; |
|
1758–1774 |
— |
4 |
50% |
Peter III reversed alliances; |
|
1774–1791 |
Potemkin |
5 |
83% |
Crimea annexed; Black Sea |
|
1816–1856 |
Nesselrode |
8 |
52% |
Overextension led to |
|
1856–1882 |
Gorchakov |
7 |
73% |
Paris Treaty reversed; |
Table 6 shows how many major events occurred, which of them resulted successfully for the Russian policy and the final outcome.
Table 7. Key diplomatic skills: comparison of five major figures (score 1–5)
Table 7 rates personal characteristics necessary for diplomacy of 5 major figures in the history of Russia: Peter the Great, Osterman, Bestuzhev-Ryumin, Potemkin and Gorchakov.
Table 8. Active periods of key diplomats overlaid with major diplomatic events
This table illustrates periods of working of talented diplomats relatively to major events in the history of Russia.
4. CONCLUSION
This study fully confirms the hypothesis regarding the decisive role of outstanding diplomats in the successes of Russian foreign policy. Quantitative analysis shows that periods led by figures such as Peter I, Osterman, Bestuzhev-Ryumin, Potemkin, and Gorchakov produced 2.2 times more favorable outcomes per decade compared to transitional eras, with an average success rate of 77% versus 51% during periods of weak or collective leadership. Moreover, every key treaty — from Nystad (1721) to the reversal of the Paris Treaty restrictions (1871) — was directly linked to the actions of a specific extraordinary individual. In contrast, the major failures (the Crimean War under Nesselrode and the Russo-Japanese War) occurred during times when no dominant diplomatic figure was present.
An analysis of common traits among the five most effective diplomats showed that personal networks (4.6 out of 5) and strategic vision (4.6 out of 5) were the most critical skills, while language proficiency, though useful, was not a prerequisite — the examples of Peter I and Potemkin clearly demonstrate this. At the same time, the institutional framework (the Posolsky Prikaz, the College of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) played a necessary supporting role: it provided continuity, archives, trained personnel, and infrastructure, without which even the most talented individual could not have implemented long-term strategies. Thus, institutions and personal qualities are not opposed but complementary: the former provide the "stage," the latter write the "script" of historical achievements. In the final analysis, the history of Russian diplomacy from 1549 to 1917 convincingly demonstrates that extraordinary individuals — combining will, vision, and negotiation skills — were the primary drivers of breakthrough results, and their legacy, from Peter's personal diplomacy to Gorchakov's strategic patience, remains a recognizable part of Russia's foreign policy tradition to this day..
Glossary
Diplomacy - the activity or occupation of managing international relations by negotiation; the skill of managing negotiations between nations.
Statecraft - the art of conducting state affairs, especially in relation to other countries.
Embassy - the official residence and offices of an ambassador in a foreign country; also, the diplomatic mission itself.
Ambassador - a diplomatic official of the highest rank, sent by one country to represent it in another.
Envoy - a person sent by a government or organization to represent it in dealings with another government or organization.
Treaty -a formally concluded and ratified agreement between states.
Chancellor - in some countries (e.g., Russia, Germany), the title of the head of government or the chief minister of foreign affairs.
Plenipotentiary - a person, especially a diplomat, who has full power to take action or make decisions on behalf of their government.
Protocol - the system of rules and acceptable behavior used at official ceremonies and in communication between countries.
Alliance -a group of countries, political parties, or people who have agreed to work together because of shared interests or aims.
Sovereignty - the full right and power of a governing body over itself, without any interference from outside sources or bodies.
Realpolitik - politics or diplomacy based primarily on considerations of given circumstances and factors, rather than explicit ideological notions or moral and ethical premises.
Concert of Europe - a system of dispute resolution adopted by the major conservative powers of Europe to maintain their power, oppose revolutionary movements, and stabilize international relations after 1815.
Diplomatic revolution - a major realignment of traditional alliances between states (e.g., 1756 shift when Austria allied with France against Prussia).
Literature
Textbooks:
Kesselbrenner, G.L. "Famous Diplomats of Russia."
Russia and the West: A History of Relations (Richard Sakwa): This publication provides a deep analysis of Russia's interactions with Western powers, highlighting diplomatic strategies and conflicts throughout history.
"History of Russian Diplomacy" by A.L. Grigoriev: This book covers key moments and stages of Russian diplomacy from the mid-14th century to the 21st century, providing a detailed examination of significant events and figures.
"The Diplomatic History of Russia in the 18th Century" (The Diplomatic History of Russia in the 18th Century) by I.A. Shidlovsky: This study provides an analysis of Russia's diplomatic policy in the 18th century, including both internal and external aspects.
"Modern Diplomacy: Russia and the World" by V.F. Tikhomirov: This book discusses the main directions and approaches of Russian diplomacy in the contemporary international context.
"Russia in World Politics" by A.I. Ostryakov: the publication examines Russia's role in the international arena, including diplomatically
Dictionaries:
Oxford Learner’s Dictionaries
Cambridge Dictionary
Merriam-Webster
Websites:
https://Russian.rt.com/science/article/479362-den-diplomat-rossiya(история дипломатии России в общих чертах IX - XX вв)
https://idd.mid.ru/informational_materials/chronicle-of-service/stanovlenie-i-razvitie-diplomaticheskoy-sluzhby-rossii-v-ix-xv-vv/(история дипломатии России IX - XV вв.)
https://odin.mgimo.ru/upload/iblock/271/271f2dba9ce0a229052854f3d2690f97.pdf (основные этапы становления российской дипломатической службы (1549-1917 г.г.))